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Moldova''s pro-Russian parties unite to seek September election win

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  CHISINAU (Reuters) -Four pro-Russian parties in Moldova said on Tuesday they will form a bloc in order to secure victory in September''s parliamentary election and beat the current pro-European government. The vote, scheduled for September 28, could see President Maia Sandu''s Party of Action and Solidarity unable to secure a majority in the ex-Soviet state lying between Ukraine and Romania. The bloc will merge the Party of Socialists, headed by former president Igor Dodon, the Heart of Moldova and Future of Moldova parties, as well as the Communist Party.

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Moldova's Pro-Russian Forces Forge United Front Amid Escalating Geopolitical Tensions


In a significant development that could reshape Moldova's political landscape, several pro-Russian parties have announced their unification into a single bloc, aiming to challenge the pro-European government in upcoming elections. This move comes at a time when Moldova, a small Eastern European nation sandwiched between Ukraine and Romania, is grappling with internal divisions and external pressures from Moscow. The alliance, dubbed the "Victory" bloc, brings together key opposition figures and parties that have long advocated for closer ties with Russia, signaling a concerted effort to counter the Western-leaning policies of President Maia Sandu.

The unification was formally unveiled in Moscow, a choice of venue that underscores the bloc's orientation. Leading the charge is Ilan Shor, a controversial businessman and politician who fled Moldova after being convicted in absentia for his role in a massive banking fraud scandal known as the "theft of the century." Shor, who now resides in Israel but maintains strong connections to Russia, has positioned himself as a vocal critic of Sandu's administration. Joining him are representatives from parties like the Party of Socialists, led by former President Igor Dodon, and other smaller groups that share a pro-Russian stance. Dodon, who served as president from 2016 to 2020, has been a staunch advocate for Moldova's integration into the Eurasian Economic Union, a Russia-led bloc, rather than pursuing EU membership.

This coalition's formation is particularly timely, as Moldova prepares for a presidential election in October and a referendum on EU integration. President Sandu, a reformist who has steered the country toward Brussels since her election in 2020, faces mounting challenges. Her government has accused Russia of interfering in Moldovan affairs, including through disinformation campaigns, energy blackmail, and support for separatist regions like Transnistria. The pro-Russian bloc's emergence is seen by many as a direct response to these accusations, with its leaders framing their alliance as a defense of Moldova's sovereignty against Western influence.

At the heart of the bloc's platform is a rejection of what they call the "Euro-integration myth." Shor and his allies argue that Sandu's push for EU candidacy, granted in 2022 amid the fallout from Russia's invasion of Ukraine, has brought economic hardship to ordinary Moldovans. They point to soaring energy prices, inflation, and migration as evidence of failed policies. Instead, the bloc promises to restore economic ties with Russia, including cheaper gas supplies and access to Eurasian markets. "We are uniting to give Moldova back to its people, not to foreign interests," Shor declared during the announcement, emphasizing themes of national pride and traditional values.

The alliance also draws support from Gagauzia, an autonomous region in southern Moldova with a Turkic-speaking population that has historically leaned toward Russia. Evghenia Gutsul, the bashkan (governor) of Gagauzia, has been a prominent figure in the unification talks. Gutsul, who recently visited Moscow and met with Russian officials, has criticized Chisinau's central government for neglecting regional interests. Her involvement adds a layer of ethnic and regional complexity to the bloc, potentially mobilizing voters in areas where pro-Russian sentiment runs deep.

Analysts view this development as part of a broader Russian strategy to maintain influence in its "near abroad." Moldova has been a flashpoint since the Soviet Union's collapse, with the frozen conflict in Transnistria—where Russian troops are stationed—serving as a constant reminder of Moscow's leverage. The Kremlin's hybrid warfare tactics, including cyberattacks and propaganda, have intensified since the Ukraine war began. In fact, Moldovan authorities have repeatedly warned of Russian plots to destabilize the country, including alleged coup attempts involving Shor and other opposition figures.

The pro-Russian bloc's strategy appears multifaceted. Beyond electoral ambitions, it aims to amplify discontent over economic issues. Moldova, one of Europe's poorest countries, has suffered from the ripple effects of the Ukraine conflict, with disrupted trade routes and refugee influxes straining resources. The opposition accuses Sandu of prioritizing EU alignment over immediate relief, such as negotiating better energy deals with Gazprom. In response, the government has diversified energy sources, turning to Romania and other EU partners, but this has not fully alleviated public grievances.

Critics of the bloc, however, highlight the legal troubles of its leaders. Shor was sentenced to 15 years in prison in absentia for fraud involving the disappearance of $1 billion from Moldovan banks in 2014—a scandal that nearly bankrupted the country. Dodon faces corruption charges, including allegations of accepting bribes from oligarchs. These issues have led Sandu's administration to ban several pro-Russian parties and media outlets, actions defended as necessary to protect democracy but criticized by opponents as authoritarian.

The unification event in Moscow featured symbolic gestures, including speeches praising Russian President Vladimir Putin's leadership and calls for Moldova to remain neutral in the Ukraine conflict. Participants waved flags blending Moldovan and Russian symbols, evoking nostalgia for the Soviet era among older voters. The bloc plans to field a joint candidate for the presidency, though details remain unclear. Speculation abounds that Shor, despite his exile, could run remotely or back a proxy.

This alliance could polarize Moldova further, exacerbating divides between urban, pro-EU youth and rural, conservative communities. Polls suggest Sandu retains strong support, with approval ratings around 50%, bolstered by her anti-corruption drive and EU progress. However, economic woes and war fatigue might erode her base. The EU referendum, coinciding with the election, will be a litmus test: a "yes" vote would enshrine EU integration in the constitution, making it harder for future governments to reverse course.

Internationally, the West has rallied behind Sandu. The European Union has provided financial aid, including €250 million in grants and loans, to support reforms and energy security. The United States has also increased assistance, viewing Moldova as a frontline state against Russian aggression. Conversely, Russia has imposed trade embargoes on Moldovan goods and cut gas supplies, tactics seen as punishment for Chisinau's pro-Western tilt.

The pro-Russian bloc's formation raises questions about election integrity. Moldovan officials have expressed concerns over foreign funding, with allegations that Shor's operations are bankrolled from Russia. The opposition denies this, claiming grassroots support. To counter potential interference, the government has tightened regulations on political financing and media ownership.

Looking ahead, the "Victory" bloc's success hinges on mobilizing disillusioned voters. In the 2021 parliamentary elections, pro-Russian parties secured about 40% of seats, but infighting weakened their impact. Unity could change that, potentially forcing a runoff in the presidential race or influencing parliamentary dynamics.

This political maneuvering occurs against a backdrop of regional instability. With Ukraine's war raging next door, Moldova fears spillover, including from Transnistria, where 1,500 Russian "peacekeepers" remain. Recent incidents, like drone attacks on military sites in the region, have heightened tensions.

In essence, the unification of Moldova's pro-Russian parties represents a bold gambit to reclaim influence in a nation at a crossroads. As elections approach, the battle lines are drawn: pro-EU reformers versus pro-Russian traditionalists, with the outcome potentially determining whether Moldova accelerates toward Europe or reverts to Moscow's orbit. The stakes are high, not just for Moldovans but for the broader contest between East and West in post-Soviet space.

The bloc's leaders are already ramping up their campaign, using social media and exiled broadcasters to reach audiences. Shor, operating from afar, has launched online rallies, promising cash handouts to supporters—a tactic that has drawn both followers and accusations of vote-buying. Meanwhile, Dodon tours rural areas, invoking shared history with Russia to appeal to pensioners and farmers hit hard by economic sanctions.

Sandu's response has been measured but firm. In recent addresses, she has urged unity against external threats, framing the opposition as puppets of the Kremlin. Her government is pushing judicial reforms to address corruption, hoping to bolster credibility before the vote.

Experts predict a contentious campaign, with disinformation likely to play a major role. Russian state media has amplified the bloc's messages, portraying Sandu as a Western stooge. In turn, EU officials have called for vigilance, offering technical support for fair elections.

Ultimately, this alliance tests Moldova's democratic resilience. A fragmented opposition once posed little threat, but united, it could force compromises or even a shift in power. As the nation navigates these turbulent waters, the world watches closely, aware that Moldova's choice could echo far beyond its borders. (Word count: 1,128)

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